Zimbabwe: Where is Operation Clean up Government?

Since Zimbabwe withdrew from the Commonwealth in December 2003, the official Commonwealth has taken little notice publicly of the deteriorating situation in the country– particularly in the field of human rights. While Zimbabwe is of course no longer part of the association, it is worth noting that the decision to leave the Commonwealth was taken by an undemocratically elected government and was a move that did not enjoy the support of many Zimbabwean people. One must also keep in mind that Zimbabwe may potentially rejoin the Commonwealth in the future if a democracy is reinstated; and so ongoing dialogue during its period in the dark would be beneficial. Whilst interaction with the Zimbabwean government is impossible at present, Commonwealth bodies – both the official Commonwealth and the NGOs - can still interact with the people and human rights organisations within the country and the diaspora outside.

When South Africa withdrew from the Commonwealth in 1961, mainly due to its apartheid policy, the official Commonwealth still kept providing support to various South African organisations. Although the situation in South Africa in those days and the present situation in Zimbabwe are clearly different, we can still learn from that period to determine our policies in Zimbabwe. Many feel that the Commonwealth could still speak out in favour of democracy and human rights in Zimbabwe. During the celebrations of the 40th anniversary of the Commonwealth held in London on 24 June 2005, a recurring concern raised by presenters and participants alike was the lack of intervention related to Zimbabwe.

President Robert Mugabe has long tried to quash the growth of opposition in Zimbabwe to consolidate his dictatorial regime over the country. His decision to withdraw the country from the Commonwealth is viewed by many independent journalists in Zimbabwe as yet another move away from democracy and an immature reaction to a likely extension of the suspension of Zimbabwe following the flawed elections of 2002. Legislation to further increase government control is in the pipeline. Examples include a law for government control over private schools and a law to allow all productive farmland to be nationalised (including a clause barring the possibility of court challenges against any government land seizures). Independent Zimbabwean journalists are given a hard time, enabling government propaganda to go largely unchallenged.

Meanwhile the situation in Zimbabwe on the ground is going from bad to worse. Starvation deaths have been on the increase, whilst the recent ‘operation clean up’ - a housing demolition operation by the Zimbabwean government aimed predominantly at opposition oriented communities contributed to further degrading the situation. The UN has recently launched a campaign to urgently help about 700,000 people rendered homeless or jobless by the clean up drive. A further 2.4 million people are said to have been affected by the demolitions. UN officials have confirmed that the drive continued in Eastern Zimbabwe despite claims by the government that it had ended the campaign. The evicted included a large number of women with HIV/AIDS, HIV/AIDS orphans, widows and children with disabilities.

President Mugabe is fast running out of options for bailing himself and his country out of this colossal mess. There have been recent discussions with South Africa and China on financial assistance and loans, but details are unclear and murky. South Africa has offered financial assistance to Zimbabwe to help combat the increasing poverty in the country, but it is likely that Mugabe will turn down this offer due to the conditions attached to the loan. The fear is that even if he manages to find a funding source, it will be used solely for political ends. Commonwealth governments, agencies and NGO’s need to engage themselves further to ensure that the Zimbabwean people are not simply abandoned at the mercy of their government.